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By Frankie Ramadar |
New York, March 2002: The December 10, 2001 General Election in Trinidad and Tobago ended up in an 18 18 tie between the Peoples National Movement (PNM) and the United National Congress (UNC). Did Manning win the election? The answer is, No. Did Panday lose the election? The answer is, No. However it is in this context, Robinson, as President, went ahead and appointed Manning as Prime Minister. And it is in this context, Panday has reacted by not forming the Opposition and by refusing to accept the position of Opposition Leader. He rightly claimed that he did not lost the election. These developments have led to the political impasse, we are witnessing in Trinidad and Tobago.
An E-mail that I received from Trinidad on January 20, 2002 described the situation as, "politically instable, a tense political climate, a political impasse, a hung parliament."
In my opinion, Robinson's decision to appoint Manning as Prime Minister was ill informed. It was biased. And it was undemocratic. Robinson's decision has major implications for Trinidad and Tobago. Three of these implications are:
Black Racism
This decision by Robinson to appoint Manning to be Prime Minister in a deadheat situation was unreasonable. Especially since it comes from the highly sacrosanct institution of the President. The decision lacks sensitivity to the multi-ethnic composition of the population of Trinidad and Tobago and its political behavior. The voting behavior of the two major ethnic groups in Trinidad and Tobago is a major variable that symbolizes their ethnic identity and affiliation.
Robinson's decision in this context makes a statement of institutionalized racism as a way of life in Trinidad and Tobago. In 1997 in one of my books, Race Relations in Trinidad and Tobago, I wrote of the development of a budding black racism in Trinidad and Tobago in the 80s and 90s. Trevor Sudama in 1993 also wrote about black racism in Trinidad and Tobago in his book, The Political Uses Of Myth. Robinson's decision is indicative of this black racism.
Curry Favor Decision
Robinson's decision to declare PNM a winner in face of an 18 18 tie is a curry favor decision and it amounts to cheating UNC voters, who are mainly Indians. It amounts to cheating the approximately 279,000 people of Trinidad and Tobago who voted for UNC. It looks as if this was one of Robinson's tactics to stay on as President after March, 2002. I am of the understanding that Manning is proposing Robinson as the new President.
Loss of Confidence
in the Presidency
Basing a political decision of this magnitude primarily on spirituality, morality and the rule of law is doing so without careful thinking. Where has his famous call for "social justice" of the 1970's gone to - a call enshrined in documents of his Democratic Action Congress Party?
Not being true to his own beliefs demonstrates that Robinson flip-flops. His politics lacks consistency. The bottom line is an attempt to play Blacks against Indians, and Indians against Blacks. Robinson is attempting to undo our unity in Trinidad and Tobago, which we have been building since 1962, when we achieved Independence. Robinson's decision is an attempt to undo the "Inclusiveness Policy" of Basdeo Panday's UNC government.
There was a more acceptable, unbiased and democratic decision Robinson could have made. It is a simple ABC decision. It would have been fair to the PNM, UNC and to everybody in Trinidad and Tobago. Such a decision would have preserved social order in the country. As I see it, the best decision was simply to call another election.
The decision to appoint Manning as Prime Minister has made the office of the President look cheap. It has made it look biased. It has devalued the Office. The Office of the President under Ellis Clarke and Noor Hassanali was never reduced to this low level. Not even a Crown Colony Governor would have made a decision like this.
Loss of Confidence in Voting
The second implication of Robinson's curry favor decision, is that the people of Trinidad and Tobago can also lose confidence in the voting process. Robinson, in his decision has negated the peoples' will at the ballot box. Instead he has imposed his own selfish will on the population of Trinidad and Tobago. The people can conclude that it does not make sense to vote, because the President can overrule their decision and appoint his own government. So in the future the people might not have the urge to go out and vote.
The people of Trinidad and Tobago have fought hard for Adult Suffrage under Crown Colony Government. They have fought hard for voting rights. Just recall the struggle of the Trinidad Labor Party under Cipriani in the 1920s and the struggle of The Home Rule Party under Tubal Uriah Buzz Butler in the early 1940s. As a result of these struggles, in the 1946 election every adult had the right to vote in Trinidad and Tobago.
Again, from 1966-1971 we fought to make voting fair, the Opposition remained silent in Parliament in protest against the voting machine. And in the 1971 General Election, we further made sacrifices by getting involved in a no vote campaign against the voting machines. After these protests, the voting machines were imprisoned in Golden Grove and we were back with the ballot box in Trinidad and Tobago. Since then, the people have been performing their civic duty with great pride. Now Robinson's decision can frustrate the people and make them stay away from the polls in the future.
Development of Anomie
Finally, there is a third major implication of Robinson's decision. That is, a condition of anomie can develop in Trinidad and Tobago, over the confusion of political legitimacy of the PNM Government? Once this develops, it can lead to conflict among the people. It can lead to a don't- care- dam attitude and it can slow down productivity in the country. Mass confusion and "ole mas" in Trinidad and Tobago can become manifest.
Political Victimisation
The E-mail of January 20, 2002 also said, "Since the President's decision, there is evidence of increased racial tensions in the country and feelings of alienation and differences in the workplace. There is an ever growing fear of political victimisation as many have been fired already, Feelings of suspicion, job insecurity, lack of trust among fellow workers, suppressed freedom of expression re:political affiliations. The political situation has the real potential to scare of investors (US Ambassador to T&T). Sad to say, even the supermarket owners are saying that credibility from foreign suppliers is affected as they are being asked to pay upfront for their orders."
What Can Be Done in the Situation?
The people of Trinidad and Tobago can help to get us out of this mess and save the country from a lot of trouble. Whether you are a PNM, whether you are a UNC, regardless of your party affiliation, when an action is wrong, we have to say it is wrong. And when an action is right, we have to endorse it. Robinson's decision is not in the best interest of peace and harmony in Trinidad and Tobago.
So there are three things we can do:
1. We have to say loud and clear that Robinson's decision is wrong.
2. We have to keep the pressure on, until Robinson's wrong decision is corrected.
3. We have to propose a fair solution, and that is a new election within three month's time.
--Frankie Ramadar, MA is a sociologist and a citizen of Trinidad and Tobago residing in New York City.